The New Left Review has a great article from Régis Debray on the history of socialism. Debray recounts the history of socialism, its evolution, and its culture. More importantly, he explains why modernity, specifically its means of communication, has led it to its crisis. Sugary excerpt:
[…] To explain: socialism was an attempt to establish a counter-medium of dissemination within a hostile milieu. Could the idea have become an ‘ideology’ if micro-circuits of solidarity had not established a mini-milieu for themselves, within this formless space? Cheap, sustainable information networks, alternative communities and counter-cultures that owed their capacity for resistance to the forces that besieged them from without. To jump the spark from written myth to social action, the electricians of workers’ emancipation had to disconnect the main cables and rig up makeshift wiring of their own. Methods of underground organizing served as a protective casing, to shield proletarian telegraphy from bourgeois jamming and interference. The romance of clandestinity was essentially a communicative pragmatism.
[…] the mediasphere seems to have stripped the diasporas of their former productivity. Dispersion used to favour intellectual creativity by stimulating written exchange. Bodies met less frequently but minds were in closer contact. […] Nowadays the militants socialize more and know less of each other’s ideas. More conversation means less controversy. The telephone destroyed the art of correspondence, and in the process diminished the moral stature of attempts at rational systematization; email has not restored it. Rarely do we pick up the phone to impart a complex sequence of principles and themes: we use it to chat. The general discourse has become indexed to the trappings of intimacy and private life. The cellphone, internet, laptop and plane are good for internationalization, but they render solidarity less organic—lethal for internationalism. They enlarge the sphere of individual relations but privatize them at the same time; they particularize even as they globalize. The cellphone is a permanent one-to-one. It drives the universal from our heads.
The crisis for socialism, then, is that even if it can resume its founding principles it cannot return to its founding cultural logic, its circuits of thought-production and dissemination. [Emphasis added].
I am not sure that I agree with Debray’s description of the crisis for socialism even though I agree with his assertion that “The demobilization of the citizen begins with the physical immobilization of the spectator.” I wonder if the crisis isn’t most of all one of lack of sophistication and of archaism. Let me explain why I mean. Although demobilization starts with immobilization, it is completed by powerlessness and a numbing nothingness created by the lack of tools to resist it, to get not only beyond the need for cellphones and television, but also the inability to use them to change the world.
Socialism is, my view, an outdated computer, which not only lacks the right software and hardware to connect to the internet and to be used as more than as typewriter. Thus, it cannot adapt to the age of spectacle and can only remain on the fringe of it by pretending that it is temporary and that eventually the world will adapt to it. For this reason, most socialist leaders of the last twenty five years have chosen courses to avoid confronting the disconnection of socialism from the brave new world. They have either ignored the socialist ideology once they got into power as Mitterrand did or they have attempted to create a great Satan to avoid fighting relevant, but unwinnable struggles since socialism no longer has effective solutions to the problems of our times as Chávez is currently doing by making the US responsible for all the ills of the world. In other words, socialist leaders when they have able to take power nowadays are either romantics who will create enemies to explain the world and socialism’s ineffectiveness or they are cold pragmatists that will use the socialist ideology and language to keep their political base, but will govern differently because they know the difference between poetry that is so to say political ideology and reality that is to say policy.